As ordinary Burmese displayed resilience in the face of Cyclone Nargis, their rulers showed they weren’t going to allow a major disaster to upstage their farcical referendum FORTY-six years of military rule have prepared Burma well for Cyclone Nargis, the most devastating natural disaster to hit the country in living memory. Less than a week after the deadly cyclone struck on May 2-3, the former capital, Rangoon, was slowly crawling back to its feet—deprived of water and electricity, and littered with filth and fallen trees, but moving forward with inexorable dignity. Sidewalk hawkers and teashops—ubiquitous symbols of the subsistence economy that supports the majority of ordinary Burmese—wasted no time getting back to business. Meanwhile, barefooted children played soccer in a narrow lane next to Trader’s Hotel, using piles of fly-covered garbage as goalposts, as passersby hastened to get on with their lives. After a pause, he added: “The people have good hearts, but they need to eat.” Meanwhile, a little more than seven months after a brutal military crackdown on monk-led protests grabbed international headlines, another side of the country’s ruling regime was on full display. Rangoon residents said that in the immediate aftermath of the cyclone, soldiers were conspicuous by their absence. Days later, they finally made an appearance, clearing trees from wealthy neighborhoods or along some of the city’s strategically important main thoroughfares. For Burma’s ruling junta, the only kind of catastrophe that matters is one that threatens its hold on power. So it came as no surprise to most Burmese that as Rangoon struggled to restore a semblance of normalcy and the Irrawaddy delta remained a scene of nightmarish devastation, the regime pressed ahead with a referendum to approve a constitution intended to strengthen its political stranglehold. The draft constitution, which will reserve 25 percent of political positions for the military, is the junta’s answer to all that ails Burma. More specifically, it is designed to nullify the results of the last electoral exercise in the country—the 1990 general election that the National League for Democracy, led by Aung San Suu Kyi, won by a landslide. Eighteen years later, the regime is still struggling to come to terms with its humiliating defeat. Ignoring the outcome of the 1990 vote and resisting calls for a handover of power, it has tried to impose an alternative political process on the country. The May 10 referendum was hailed by the state-run media as a crucial step in this “seven-part road map” to “disciplined democracy.” Never mind that nobody else seemed to care.
But this hard-won resilience—a product of decades of economic mismanagement by successive military regimes—has its limits. There were also signs that under the gritty surface lay an even grittier reality: An article in The Myanmar Times, a semi-official weekly newspaper, reported a mysterious rise in demand for razor wire, in a city noted for its low crime rate; a middle-class woman complained of routine theft at the meditation center where her mother resides; and a Singapore-based Burmese businessman, after listening to a comment on the remarkably good-natured Burmese response to adversity, smiled, and then lowered his voice in warning: “Don’t walk alone after nine o’clock at night.”
A man casts his vote for the constitutional referendum in cyclone-hit Hlaing Thayar Township west of Rangoon on May 24, two weeks after the first round of referendum voting in most of the country. (Photo: AFP)
“Our government neglects the people. And when the people complain, the government bullies them,” said one businessman, succinctly describing the twin principles of Burmese military rule: inattention to the needs of ordinary citizens and a readiness to crush dissent at a moment’s notice.
Burma’s junta leader Snr-gen Than Shwe, center, along with top military brass, inpects relief supplies provided to cyclone-affected families at a showcase refugee center on the outskirts of Rangoon. (Photo: AFP)
Monday, 24 August 2009
The Show Must Go On By NEIL LAWRENCE / RANGOON JUNE, 2008 - VOLUME 16 NO.6
Friday, 14 August 2009
If you don't know how to fix the country, please don't break it.
by: Ba Kaung , 061107
Open your mind, face the reality and see what you have done now compare with the status from 40 years ago. Are you saying that you are doing for the sake of people? No. you are not. You are only building the destructed mechanism for my country. You are blinded with the glistering light of dimonds that you are stealing from your own people. You might thought that you are making good fortunes and reputations for your next generation with those dimonds, money and power that you have, but you are wrong. You are literally wrong. You are supposed to be like a father to look after your people because you are the leader of million of people but you just turned your face away. What's it in your mind? What are you thinking?
Images from aljazeera.net
When I was young and old enough to understand the love and affection between mother and child, I saw a cow looking for her young calf with full of tears in her eyes. The calf might have somehow lost his way back home, and so mother cow went out and calling out for her child at every corner of the streets. She finally made sure that her child was safe and happy under her protection. At least, she felt something and has affection for her own child.
So, how is yours? Can you protect us? Can you make your people to be proud of being the citizen of Myanmar? My country is suffering. My people are dying with povety. I know you are such a stubborn or afraid one to face the true reality. What make you think that you can do better than others? You can't even approved your capabilities to build up the better country during past 20 years except increasing number of homeless, poverty, prostitutions, jobless, lower income rate, higher living costs. If you are afraid, tell me what you are afraid of. Are you afraid that the other people might say the true factors, and they will tell you that the things you are doing are wrong? Are you afraid that the people of Myanmar will get educated and bring the authetic visions for the bright future of the country? Do you know that the majority of your people are living in the dark world where there are no foods, no proper education, no shelters, and they are suffering? I will tell you what I am afraid of. I am afriad that my country will never able to stand up again as before because of what you had done, but I put my faith in my people for the good changes. I am sure they truly will.
Please don't tell me that our country is declining because of people. Please don't project us. We are your people. We are just ordinary citizens living within your military framework. I don't say the term "military" is evil thing, but just that you are not providing us the basic human needs. Please take your full responsibilities, otherwise let someone else take it.
Do you think this is going to last forever? Do you think you can shut down the gate of truth and reality with your military might? I don't think so. Did you ever ask yourself just like a child without having smeared influences why there are so many poverties in your country, and your people are dying in hungers and diseases while your families are celebrating birthday parties. Why? Why? Why? You are the leader of the country. Did you ever try to find a solution for those thousand of people who are dying under your dictatorship? What can you do for my country? If you can not do, what can I do for my country? What other people can do for the country? Do you need help? If you need help, just ask. It is just pretty simple. You need to accept the fact that you can not build the country alone. You also aware that Aung San Suu Kyi and other brilliant political leaders can help and lead the country. I don't understand why you don't incorporate with them. You are either too stubborn or just a dumb leader.
I don't think you are doing a good job for the country. More than 40 millions people are living in the country but as long as all those 40 millions people are not well educated, I wouldn't say you are creating the proper education system for the country. If someone say, "hey! my children are going to school and they are learning computer at home". Of course, you idiot!, you can effort to send your children to good school, but what about the other millions of people who can't even make enough incomes to provide the daily foods for their family. I am not talking about your little cheesy world. I am talking about my people. my Myanmar people. for Everyone. the whole country. Don't say our education system is not so bad. You haven't seen the world. You haven't seen the superior education system which would train the children to become managers, leaders, businessmen and they will be on top of everyone. I want my child to become a manager, to become a leader. I don't want my child to work like a slave in other counties. What can you do for that?
I am a citizen of Myanmar, but I am not proud of myself for being a citizen of Myanmar. Evertime I travel to other countries, I have more difficulties than other nationalities. Do you know why? People thought that the people of Myanmar are inferior. That's the nature of human. I have to try so hard and struggle more than others to get better impression for being a Myanmar. Why can't Myanmar people instantly be well recognized for the good courses? Can you make the people of Myanmar to be superior? I honestly want to be proud of my country. I long the time when Myanmar used to be on top of other Asia countries, but you destroyed the reputations. Don't you feel ashamed of yourself when the world is watching you as a brutal and evil one.
I took a taxi the other day in an event that it was drizzling and I was also late for my work. After having a long silent ride in the cab, me and taxi driver started to strike a conversation. What amused me the most was that everytime I tell my identity for being a Myanmar nationality in my english accent, everybody got stunned. After explaining who I am and what I do for living in a diplomatic way, the taxi driver proudly revealed the secret he had done in Myanmar 30 years ago. I am even more stunned when he told me what he did in Myanmar during those socialist days in Myanmar. He was a business man and sold watches in Yangon. He did illegal watch trafficking in Myanmar. He was able to buy lands and houses in Singapore because of his business. Since Myanmar was under socialist government, it was illegal to import and sell watches in Myanmar as private own. He said if he pay a box of whisky bottles, he could easily pass through the custom and immigration counters at the Yangon airport. Airport authorities even let him sleep with the girls they detained from illegal trafficking business. Most of the girls were about 13 or 14 years old. He is a Singaporean and the girls he raped were Myanmar but helped by Myanmar authorities. What was going on? Who is going to protect us if Myanmar government can not protect our nationalities? Where is the law? Is the law literally exist in Myanmar just not to send the people into jail for saying what they believe, but for the protection of every Myanmar citizens?
Sometime, I truly wish there will be a internal corruption inside your military framework in order to break down the structure, and so somebody could take control over the existing military power and reform the whole country. A lot of people tremendouly sacrificed their lives, their families, their properties, their love ones while doing what they believe to get better living standard for the people of Myanmar. They believe democracy is the only way out for the country. I believe it too. Since your military system didn't work for the country, you have to accept or compromise the dialogue with the other political parties.
It is really funny to see you are fooling around UN, ASEAN and other countries. How long has it been since we had our genuine election? Wow..it's been almost 20 years now. How could that happen? Well.. obviously UN is weak, international pressure is weak, ASEAN is weak, but our people get killed occasionally one by one, group by group. Military regime made up every possible tricks, they cheated, they tell lies. It comes to the realization that only the people of Myanmar can change the future of Myanmar.
Metta,
Ba Kaung
Wednesday, 12 August 2009
The Most Beautiful Woman in the World By AUNG NAING OO Friday, February 6, 2009
After the 1988 uprising, around 15,000 students, farmers, workers, monks and professionals left for the jungle—to carry on the fight against the Burmese military. Most of us were men, with just a few women in our midst. In our camp, the ratio of men to women was 97 to 3. "Living together" was a huge social no-no. The women lived in their own barracks, and we had the jungle law to protect them from any abuse. For instance, rape was punishable by death. Luckily, there only a few reports of harassment and nothing serious happened to the women. In the jungle, freedom abounded. But the Camp Committee felt we could not just let young people "live together" freely, as our customs frowned on such unofficial unions. Once, a Burmese professor who was living in the US and married to an American paid us a visit in the jungle with his 17-year-old daughter. With his fair-skinned daughter at his side, the professor quickly became very popular among the men, who—simply curious or unashamedly determined—followed them everywhere in the camp. He said, "Ah Kong in the jungle liked my daughter so much, I had to leave her in Thailand." I had a hard time keeping a straight face, since "Ah Kong" is a general word for insects or animals, and also an impolite word for men.
Given the statistics, single women naturally became the center of attention. For the majority of them, there was an oversupply of love, allowing them to pick and choose potential partners—or not. They were all very strong and dedicated women, but it was in many ways an intimidating experience for them to find themselves among hundreds of young males. Men, by contrast, vied with each other for a woman’s attention.
I still think that the women were a lucky bunch. But this isn’t to suggest that they were out of control. Despite our new-found freedom, we all came from a very conservative society and had norms and customs to adhere to.
For the men, life in the jungle was tougher. Despite our burning idealism—we all believed anything was possible—it soon dawned on us that love, or sex, would be the second sacrifice we would make for the revolution, after the first and continuous battle with malaria.
Phoo Law Khwa, the Karen officer in charge of the Thay Baw Boe area, was right when he told us—soon after we arrived in the jungle—that we would make many sacrifices, including the absence of love, and our eyes would soon see that "even a female buffalo is beautiful."
Most of the men looked with green eyes at the lucky few among us who won the heart of a woman. The lovelorn with a sweetheart left behind held on to their memories, hoping they would soon be reunited. In the meantime, we consoled ourselves by sharing tales of those we had left behind.
In Burma proper, it was nearly impossible for young unmarried couples to have sex anyway—due to social and official restrictions. It was even difficult for unmarried couples to find privacy to express their deepest feelings and desires. Young women were constantly under the watchful eyes of their family and neighbors, and couples were not allowed to stay in government hotels together unless they could show they were legally married.
Thus, we provided 500 baht, a rice sack and a supply of condoms to each young couple to organize a party, which was a way to acknowledge to the camp residents that they were married and living within the social norms accepted by our traditional customs. It was a common law marriage rather than a union with an official document.
It served as a convenient arrangement between the Camp Committee, which wanted to maintain traditional social cohesion in the camp, and couples who understood the social imperatives. Some of the couples we “married” are still together to this day.
Given the gender imbalance among the exiled students, some visiting foreigners asked us how we survived in the jungle without sex. They didn’t believe us when we told them that we had gone without sex for years. Indeed, most of us had decided we were married to the revolution.
In the jungle, love could even rise to the level of politics. We were a democracy and one camp leader lost an election over a woman. In one of the KNU fourth brigade area camps, a charismatic camp chairman won the heart of the belle of the camp, but his triumph cost him his leadership position because of the jealousy it generated.
The next time the professor visited, he was alone, prompting someone to ask about his daughter.
During my time in the jungle, I also met two foreign men who claimed to have seen the "most beautiful woman" in the world. Once was in Mae Sot and the other—a strange phenomenon for men in the jungle—actually happened in the jungle.
The first man was an American writer.
